Saturday, December 29, 2007

Tersesat di Jalan Kayau


Oleh : Budi Kurniawan (Aktivis Journalist and Writer Forum of Borneo yang sedang menulis novel berlatar Kayau, tinggal di Jakarta. E-mail: budibanjar@yahoo.com)

Lebih dari dua pekan kabar angin tentang Kayau menggedor psikologis khalayak di Kalimantan Selatan dan Tengah. Kabar angin yang bermula dari layanan pesan pendek di telepon genggam menggunakan terus meluapnya lumpur panas Lapindo di Sidoarjo, Jawa Timur, dan pemerintah yang bergeming dengan penderitaan rakyatnya, sebagai cantelan (news peg). Pesan pendek itu menyatakan untuk menghentikan luapan lumpur Lapindo diperlukan sekian ribu kepala anak-anak sebagai tumbal.

Di era informasi yang kian modern yang menyebabkan jarak, waktu, dan ruang menyempit, pesan pendek itu cepat meluas. Sayangnya sebagian khalayak percaya dengan kabar angin itu. Target teroris (penyebar isu) membuat kekacauan psikologis dan tumbuhnya sikap saling curiga dalam masyarakat itu kian tercapai ketika media massa memberi ruang bagi kabar angin soal Kayau itu. Media massa –terutama lokal—rupanya masih menggenggam erat kredo lama bad news is good news (berita buruk adalah berita baik). Kredo ini telah menjerumuskan media menjadi sekadar institusi kapitalis dan meminggirkan peran dan tugas media untuk turut mencerdaskan khalayak melalui pemberitaan yang tak hanya konstruktif, tetapi juga cerdas. Jika mau jujur, hanya sebagian media yang memberikan semacam “catatan kaki” terhadap teror bertajuk Kayau ini.

Teror berselimut Kayau itu hampir saja menjadi kebenaran yang diyakini ketika peristiwa pembunuhan seorang gadis cilik di Kapuas, Kalimantan Tengah, terjadi. Kepala sang gadis dipenggal pembunuhnya. Lalu media dan khalayak mengaitkan pembunuhan itu sebagai bentuk aksi Kayau. Setelah sang pembunuh diketahui barulah muncul fakta bahwa pembunuhan gadis cilik tanpa kepala itu adalah peristiwa kriminal biasa. Sang pembunuh memenggal kepala korbannya untuk menghilangkan jejak.

Terkuak dan ditangkapnya pelaku pembunuhan yang semula dikira sebagai Kayau bisa jadi akan mengurangi ketegangan psikologis khalayak. Tetapi dari teror yang berlangsung lebih dari dua pekan ini terlihat dengan sangat jelas betapa khalayak, media, dan pemegang otoritas kekuasaan masih “tersesat” dalam memahami Kayau. Back mind banyak pihak masih berlatar masa silam, ketika Kayau menjadi salah satu tradisi dalam sebagian besar suku Dayak di Kalimantan, dan menjadi salah satu cara untuk mendiskreditkan, mengucilkan, dan memberi stigma buruk terhadap orang Dayak sebagai bangsa yang barbarian, terbelakang, tidak berpendidikan, tidak berperikemanusiaan, dan menggunakan kepala manusia yang dipenggal sebagai salah satu simbol keberanian dan keperkasaan.

Tak ada yang salah dengan back mind semacam itu. “Ketersesatan” memahami dan menyikapi Kayau menjadi salah satu buah keberhasilan kampanye buruk penguasa kolonial terhadap orang Dayak. “Ketersesatan” semakin jauh terjadi ketika bekal untuk memahami Kayau lompong. Apalagi selain merupakan fakta dan menjadi tradisi orang Dayak –juga Dayak Ngaju di sebagian besar Kalimantan Tengah-- di masa silam untuk menyelesaikan konflik antar sesama, Kayau juga dibumbui mitos dan legenda.

Penguasa kolonial dan turis –juga khalayak—sering menggunakan ketidaktahuan dan kesengajaan— untuk berkisah dan melebih-lebihkan kenyataan yang ada agar orang mengimajinasikan orang Dayak sebagai kaum primitif. Kayau di tangan mereka dibumbui dengan cerita-cerita lisan yang menggambarkan sebagai kegiatan perorangan yang dengan barbarian memenggal kepala orang. Padahal selain sebuah simbol adat, Kayau juga menjadi medium perang psikologis, pertahanan, dan reaksi terhadap sesuatu yang sudah berlangsung kelewat batas.

Prof Andrew P Vayda dalam bukunya "War in Ecological Perspective: Persistence, Change, and Adaptive Processes in Three Oceanian Societies" (1976) mengungkapkan bagaimana upaya propaganda menjadi alat pertahanan komunitas maupun tribal nation setempat untuk mengamankan wilayahnya dari para pengganggu keseimbangan hidup dan kearifan lokal yang sudah berlangsung dan terpelihara sekian lama. Pertahanan psikologis semacam itu cukup efektif menghambat gerak kaum penjajah yang ingin menguasai dan menjarah hal-hal berharga milik orang Dayak. Dengan pertahanan itu harga diri Dayak menjadi relatif terjaga. Dalam hal ini tesis Andrew P Vayda menunjukkan kebenarannya.

Pakat Dayak dan Damang

Memang tak bisa dipungkiri seperti pada suku-suku lain di Indonesia, kekerasan juga menjadi bagian dalam kehidupan Suku Dayak. Suasana penuh kekerasan di kalangan Suku Dayak sebelumnya tumbuh subur ketika Perang Banjar pecah pada tahun 1859. Perang ini meluas hampir ke seluruh bagian Kalimantan Tengah. Perang Pulau Petak, Palingkau, Palangkai Telo/Basarang Kanamit misalnya melanda Sungai Kahayan di Bukit Rawi. Perang Lentang Tamuan/Juragan Bangkusin melanda Tewang Pajangan.

Hal yang sama juga terjadi di Tumbang Kurun sebagai akibat dari perang Nuhuda Lampung, di Tewah pada tahun 1885 akibat Perang Patangan (Perang Tewah), di sepanjang sungai Barito, Mambaroh (Kalimantan Barat). Bersamaan dengan itu perang suku di Datah Nalau daerah Barito Hulu/Mahakam Hulu, Kalimantan Timur, juga pecah.

Keresahan yang timbul akibat perang antar suku, perang Banjar dan perang-perang lainnya melawan Belanda yang berlangsung lebih dari 35 tahun lah yang mempengaruhi psikologis dan keberlangsungan hidup suku Dayak.

Untungnya para Damang yang dalam struktur masyarakat Dayak memiliki posisi penting dan strategis, prihatin dengan keadaan ini. Mereka yang semula menjadi pusat dan pendukung para prajurit yang terlibat penuh di berbagai medan perang (Barandar), dengan kesadaran tinggi kemudian mengalihkan dukungan itu kepada proses perdamaian. Bersama komponen masyarakat lainnya mereka menerima tawaran damai dari Belanda, namun dengan syarat status kedamangan tetap tegak dan lembaga keadatan lainnya tetap berdaulat.

Pokok-pokok perdamaian itu mengandung arti kedua belah pihak berdamai atas dasar persamaan derajat; pengalihan strategi perjuangan jangka panjang melalui proses pembaharuan yang tidak rapuh; mengalihkan tugas para prajurit Barandar menjadi misi konsultasi ke segala penjuru demi penyeragaman strategi perjuangan; menuju sasaran membangun persiapan untuk pemantapan yang berkesinambungan.

Tuan rumah pertemuan, Damang Batu, Singa Rontang, Singa Duta, Tamanggung Panji dan kawan-kawan berhasil menggelar pertemuan besar di Tumbang Anoi yang berlangsung selama 60 hari itu. Berbondong-bondong seluruh utusan berdatangan menuju Desa Tumbang Anoi yang berada ditengah-tengah sebuah pulau itu. Semua itu mereka lakukan bukan karena perintah dan bentuk berserah diri pada Belanda, tapi karena ajakan para Damang yang berpengaruh itu.

Rapat Tumbang Anoi yang menghasilkan Pakat Dayak yang terjadi sejak para utusan dari 400 kelompok Suku Dayak di seluruh Kalimantan berkumpul di bawah satu atap di Desa Tumbang Anoi, Kahayan Hulu Utara, Kalimantan Tengah, pada 22 Mei -24 Juli 1894 menghasilkan kesepakatan yang berisikan pertama; perang antara Belanda dan pasukan Barandar dilakukan tanpa penuntutan ganti kerugian masing-masing. Kedua; mengakui kewenangan pemerintah untuk memajukan dan membangun daerah Dayak yang diimbangi dengan pengakuan pada kedaulatan dan status lembaga adat/Kedamangan. Ketiga; semua pihak sepakat menghentikan kegiatan asang maasang (perang antar suku). Keempat; dihentikannya kegiatan bunu habunu (saling bunuh) yang seringkali dilakukan dengan latar belakang dendam. Kelima; menghentikan kegiatan kayau mengayau (kebiasaan memburu manusia, memotong kepala untuk koleksi pribadi dan bukti kepahlawanan). Keenam; menghentikan kebiasaan jipen manjipen dan hajual hapili jipen (perbudakan dan jual beli budak). Ketujuh; menyempurnakan warisan turun temurun yang dipangku para Damang disamping ketentuan-ketentuan yang dijalankan pemerintah. Kedelapan; memberi kesempatan untuk berbagai pihak mengemukakan masalah yang dihadapi masing-masing dan dicarikan penyelesaiannya.

Melihat peran para Damang dalam Rapat Tumbang Anoi, terlihat jelas mereka memang menjadi faktor penentu. Dalam struktur masyarakat Dayak, para Damang ini tak hanya menjadi pemimpin yang disegani dan selalu diikuti perintahnya. Mereka juga memiliki peran sebagai pilar penjaga tegaknya hukum adat.

Namun tidak mudah sebenarnya menjelaskan bagaimana posisi Damang secara formal dalam struktur masyarakat Dayak. Para peneliti tentang Kedamangan di Kalimantan Tengah misalnya kesulitan meneliti tentang apa dan bagaimana lembaga ini berperan di tengah masyarakat. J Mallincrodi (1887-1929) dalam Het Adatrecht van Borneo (1928) ketika menguraikan bagaimana hukum adat di Kalimantan Tengah sama sekali tidak membicarakan lembaga Kedamangan.

Thomas Linblad mengartikan Damang sebagai village head. Arti ini sama dengan Pembakal dan Kyai yang disebut Linblad sebagai indigeneous district officer (Linblad, 1988:271).

Sedangkan Hans Scharer (1904-1947), seorang misionaris yang banyak meneliti kepercayaan Dayak menyatakan Damang adalah the present-day damangnya (adat chief) dan bukan orang yang diberikan kepercayaan oleh masyarakat setempat untuk turut mengatur kehidupan mereka (Scharer, 1963:103). Scharer meyakini Damang hanyalah sebuah jabatan dan status yang diberikan pemerintah untuk kepentingan mereka sendiri.

Tokoh masyarakat Dayak, Tjilik Riwut (1918-1987) menguraikan secara singkat tentang lembaga Kedamangan dalam bukunya. Menurutnya Damang Kepala Adat Tjilik Riwut yang juga adalah Gubernur pertama Kalimantan Tengah menggunakan istilah Damang dan bukan Damang seperti yang tercantum di beberapa produk pemerintah Indonesia, yang pada tahun 1928 dilahirkan sebagai pejabat tebusan menggantikan jabatan Kepala Adat. Kepala Adat di masa lampau oleh Suku Dayak dipandang sebagai suatu rehabilitasi yang diberikan kepada suatu perasaan untuk dihargai dan sekaligus pengakuan atas adat istiadat leluhur mereka (Riwut, 1979:250, 1993:295).

Pasca Pakat Dayak yang didukung penuh para Damang bisa dikatakan Kayau menjadi tinggal cerita. Namun beberapa hukum adat seperti jipen yang kemudian diganti dengan denda adat yang nilainya terukur hingga kini masih hidup dan diakomodir dalam peraturan perundang-undangan di tingkat lokal.

Sayangnya bumbu mitos dan legenda di sekitar Kayau juga ditelan mentah-mentah begitu saja oleh khalayak, walau pun kekuasaan kolonial telah lama berakhir. Dalam kasus pembunuhan di Kapuas misalnya, jelas bukan merupakan Kayau. Karena dalam Kayau yang menjadi sasaran adalah orang-orang yang “setara” kekuatan dan kelasnya. Perempuan dan anak-anak bukan menjadi sasaran utama Kayau. Pelaku yang bukan orang Dayak pun memperterang ketidak benaran Kayau itu.

Peraturan adat di masa lalu, seperti yang ditulis Tjilik Riwut dalam Kalimantan Memanggil dan Kalimantan Membangun yang sebagian besar isinya ditulis kembali oleh Nila Riwut dalam Maneser Panatau Tatu Hiang: Menyelami Kekayaan Leluhur (2003), menunjukkan apabila ada asang dan kayau –asang adalah perang suku dengan melibatkan banyak orang, bersifat tumpas kelor, berupa serangan mendadak, dan memilih sasaran dalam jumlah besar, sementara Kayau adalah sebuah proses penuntasan konflik dengan logika apa yang diambil harus dikembalikan dalam ukuran yang sama-- perempuan dan anak-anak tidak boleh dibunuh. Kayau seringkali memiliki sasaran satu orang dan tidak bersifat tumpas kelor.

Terkecuali perempuan yang ikut terjun langsung dalam peperangan, boleh ditangkap untuk dijadikan jipen (Nila Riwut, 2003:54). Kebebasan sebagai budak baru akan diperoleh apabila pihak yang kalah ataupun kaum keluarganya menebus. Besarnya tebusan ditentuikan oleh kerapatan adat. Di saat perang berlangsung, apabila ada musuh yang telah menyatakan marup yang berarti menyerah, tidak diperkenankan untuk dibunuh.

Baik laki-laki maupun perempuan memiliki hak dan kewajiban yang sama. Kesetaraan jender, bukan merupakan hal yang baru bagi mereka. Peran serta dalam tugas kemasyarakatan, memangku jabatan Kepala Adat atau Mantir, mengurus rumah tangga, mencari nafkah, siapapun boleh baik laki-laki maupun perempuan, asalkan mau dan mampu.

Charles Baharuddin kepada sebuah koran nasional pada 2001 menceritakan asang memang melibatkan banyak orang. Salah satu yang terbesar adalah Asang Paking Pakang. Dalam peristiwa itu warga Dayak di hulu sungai-sungai besar menyerang secara besar-besaran warga Dayak di hilir sungai. Beribu-ribu pasukan Dayak hulu, seperti tikus, melakukan penyerangan. Dayak hulu merasa kelakuan Dayak di hilir sungai sudah keterlaluan.

Mereka sakit hati karena banyak anggota kelompok mereka yang dikayau. Dalam penyerangan itu, tak peduli anak-anak atau perempuan dibunuh. Asang maasang memang berarti pembunuhan berskala besar. Ketemu perahu, dihancurkan. Dapat ternak juga di sikat. Bahkan, dapat kuburan pun mereka bongkar dan hancurkan. Peristiwa konflik etnis di Sampit pada 6,7 tahun silam pola dan dan jumlah korban yang jatuh mirip dengan Asang Paking Pakang.

Dayak Ngaju khususnya juga memiliki pasal yang ditujukan untuk melindungi dan menjaga orang asing yang masuk kedaerahnya. Suatu penghinaan apabila ada orang asing masuk kedaerahnya, kemudian orang asing tersebut menderita atau mengalami kesusahan di daerah suku Dayak. Di lain pihak, orang asing yang masuk ke daerah suku Dayak, juga dituntut untuk mematuhi aturan yang ada. Hukum ini mewajibkan orang asing yang masuk ke daerah suku Dayak, setelah melaporkan diri, untuk “menyerahkan” nasibnya kepada Kepala Adat, dan telah menyatakan janji untuk tunduk kepada hukum adat suku Dayak, maka kehadirannya wajib diterima dan keamanannya menjadi tanggung jawab warga masyarakat secara bersama-sama.

Akan tetapi, apabila orang asing yang datang mengunjungi mereka itu tidak mampu menyesuaikan diri dengan lingkungan, membuat kekacauan, mungkin saja keselamatannya
bisa terancam. Kehadirannya bisa dianggap sebagai perusak dan pengganggu keamanan suku. Lebih fatal lagi apabila orang asing tersebut telah melakukan kesalahan besar, lebih-lebih kesalahan tersebut dilakukan kepada Kepala Suku ataupun pimpinan agama, maka hukuman mati bisa dialami. Akan tetapi apabila perkaranya hanya kecil saja, maka hukumannya dapat dijadikan jipen.

Soal menjunjung tinggi hukum adat, menghormati komunitas lokal, dan hidup berdampingan secara damai inilah yang tidak ada dan menjadi pendorong utama terjadinya konflik etnis di Sampit. Akan berbeda halnya jika peribahasa dimana bumi dipijak, disitu langit dijunjung itu hidup dan berkembang di Sampit.

Tidak Mudah

Orang Dayak di seantero Borneo tidak gampang mangayau. Mangayau –juga asang maasang-- memerlukan prakondisi dan prasyarat yang wajib hukumnya dipenuhi. Mangayau misalnya memerlukan persetujuan para roh nenek moyang. Untuk mendapatkan persetujuan itu dilakukan upacara seperti manajah antang, mengikat beliung di atas parang panjang dengan menggunakan bajakah (tanaman merambat) yang khusus yang kemudian ditaburi behas bahandang bahenda (beras merah dan kuning), yang melaksanakan tugas mangayau pun adalah orang-orang terpilih dan direstui para balian. Sasaran mangayau pun harus ditentukan terlebih dahulu. Walau sudah ditentukan, mangayau belum tentu bisa langsung dilaksanakan sebelum restu dari para roh nenek moyang dan penjaga alam tiba. Jika restu tidak datang, mangayau batal dilakukan.

Mangayau juga dilakukan sesuai dengan prakondisi yang terjadi sebelumnya. Misalnya satu orang anggota suku dikayau oleh suku lainnya, maka kepala harus dibayar kepala wajib terjadi. Jadi korban kayau tidaklah berasal dari orang yang tidak memiliki kesalahan sebelumnya.

Para pangayau yang berangkat mangayau juga diwajibkan untuk tidak melanggar pantangan seperti tidak boleh mencuri, merampok, berdusta, berzina, dan mengganggu istri dan anak gadis orang. Pantangan ini menunjukkan Kayau tidak boleh dinodai hal-hal buruk. Karena selain akan menggagalkan Kayau, juga akan berdampak buruk (kematian) bagi para pangayau jika melanggar pantangan-pantangan itu.

Pemahaman yang tersesat terhadap Kayau juga terjadi dengan mempersepsikan bahwa sasaran Kayau hanya manusia. Padahal Kayau memiliki banyak jenis, antara lain Kayau Kayu (“membunuh” kayu yang telah menyebabkan kematian anggota suku), dan Kayau Danum (“membunuh” sungai yang telah mengakibatkan kematian terhadap anggota suku). Bahkan di zaman hidup susah, sandang pangan sulit ditemukan, istilah Kayau Lawu juga muncul. Ini memiliki makna dihembuskannya bahwa akan terjadi Kayau di sekitar kampung. Kayau ini bertujuan menakut-nakuti suku lain yang memiliki sumber pangan melimpah agar mereka meninggalkan permukiman. Begitu mereka pergi, sumber pangan itu diambil alih.

Karena itu Kayau bukanlah sebuah peristiwa yang terjadi serta-merta dan begitu saja. Kayau palsu yang dihembuskan melalui pesan pendek yang meneror khalayak dalam dua pekan terakhir ini jelas hanyalah tindakan sekelompok pihak yang tidak ingin melihat orang Dayak muncul sebagai entitas yang bermartabat dan dilingkupi nilai-nilai kemanusiaan seperti suku-suku lainnya di negeri ini. Penghembus teror Kayau rupanya ingin membenturkan orang Dayak dengan suku lainnya agar saling mencurigai dan kemudian terlibat dalam konflik berkepanjangan. Hanya dengan kecerdasan lah teror Kayau bisa dihadapi. Tinggal pilihannya kemudian adalah: mau cerdas, atau mau bodoh?

58 comments:

Anonymous said...

Membaca tersesat di jalan kayau, ada 3 hal yang peru dibutiri:
1. Pentingnya peran ilmuwan terutama yang megerti tetang ngayau menjelaskan makna ngayau sebenarnya.
2. Sehingga dengan penjelasan tersebut, menjadi pembanding yang berimbang dalam pemberitaan media. Khususnya mengenai isu ngayau melalui sms.
3. Sayangnya point 1 dan 2 begitu kering karena belum terperhatikan. Beruntung tulisan bung Budi menjadi seteguk air penawar dalam dahaga.

Anonymous said...

bagus bung budi, tulisan anda mencerahkan bagi saya yang tersesat memahami ngayau, apalagi diterangkan dengan cara ilmiahi saya yang putra dayak tapi yang telah jauh dari akar kedayakannya, sehingga sering jadi sumber tempat kawan2 bertanya tapi tidak mengerti apa yang ditanyakan mereka tentang alam dayak.
Saran : banyak2 nulis tentang dayak

Anonymous said...

Tulisan anda memberi cara pandang baru mengenai perkayauan. Saya senang membaca tulisan anda.

IQBAL said...

menyenangkan tahu bahwa kayau adalah seseutu yang suci bagi dayak, semoga tidak ada lagi yang tersesat dijalan kayau

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